Earlier
this month we witnessed terrible
ethnic violence in Mumbai city, where a Marathi supremacist
group attacked poor North Indian migrants to the city. Those responsible
for the attacks were cadre of the “Marathi Navnirman Sena”,
a breakaway group from the infamous “Shiv Sena”.
The Shiv Sena is a political party that all Indian
citizens will of course will be familiar with. Hindus in other countries
such as here in Britain will have certainly heard of it, but probably
have a mistaken view of the organisation.
The name “Shiv Sena” conjures up images
of force, and most young Hindus in the west assume it to be some kind
of religious vigilante organisation or gangster outfit. One sometimes
finds absent minded militant young Hindus in Britain claiming to be
part of the Shiv Sena without a clue as to what the Shiv Sena is and
what it stands for. Hence it is pertinent to write this article and
help dispel ignorance.
In fact
the Shiv Sena is a regionalist political party based in the Indian
state of Maharashtra, presenting a significant political force only
in that state. It was founded in Mumbai in 1966. Its name refers to
the seventeenth-century
Hindu warrior Shivaji as well as to the deity Shiva. The
party was first founded as a local action group representing local
concerns of Maharashtrian people. Its founder-leader was Bal Thackeray
(right), a former cartoonist, who has since become a house-hold name
in India. Shiv Sena is a populist party, deeply rooted in Maharashtrian
popular culture, and representing popular creativity, popular sentiment
and also popular anger.
In its early days, Shiv Sena’s populist agenda
was more anti-immigrant than pro-Hindu. Mumbai in particular had a
heavy influx of people from other regions in India looking for work,
and Shiv Sena opposed them vigorously with the argument that jobs
in Mumbai should be first of all for the “sons of the soil”.
The opposition to immigration included occasional violence and regular
extortion (particularly targeting wealthy Gujarati and Tamil Hindu
businessmen).
Other
Hindu revivalist movements vigorously criticised Shiv Sena’s
policy in this regards calling it a threat to unity. Over the tears,
however, Shiv Sena sorted their lives out and evolved from an anti-immigrant
party to a structure which helps the endless stream of newcomers to
integrate into the Mumbai metropolis. Many non-Maharashtrian Hindus
who were previously threatened by the Shiv Sena began to caste their
votes for Shiv Sena quite early (especially Tamils and Keralites),
and sizeable groups of them have entered the organisation.
The
party’s regionalist agenda of its early days made it the second
strongest party in Maharashtra state. By the 1980’s it made
Hindu concerns its priority, as by this time Muslim mob activity and
aggression were becoming a primary concern to India as a whole and
Mumbai (India’s centre of organised crime) in particular. The
Muslims in India were beginning to act as they had in pre-partition
days some decades earlier, and the parties in power (particularly
the Congress) were treating them with kid-gloves. The Shiv Sena’s
championing of Hindu causes made it the strongest electoral party
in the state of Maharashtra.
Shiv
Sena’s policies are simple and rustic, with hardly much thought
applied to its policies. By its own motto: “Our actions are
our programme” and “Shiv Sena believes more in social
activities than politics”. According to V.S Naipaul, the Nobel-Prize
winning Trinidadian writer, the Shiv Sena has been a very constructive
social force in Mumbai’s slum areas, even before it ever came
to power. This alludes to Shiv Sena’s championing the cause
of the poor Maharashtrians of all (and especially the low) castes.
The Shiv Sena got a lot of bad press when it reacted in strength against
a series of Muslim attacks on Hindus in early January 1993 after three
days of Muslim rioting (6 to 8 January), Bal Thackeray’s activists
took the law into their own hands. The result was a large-scale conflagration
which killed at least 557 people, a majority of them Muslims. Even
years later, no Shiv Sena spokesman has either denied their role in
these riots or expressed apology for it: they see it as a necessary
intervention in a Muslim attempt to take over Mumbai through street
terror. On the other hand,. when Muslim underworld figures launched
a series of bomb blasts (12 March 1993) in retaliation for these riots,
(including a failed one against the Shiv Sena headquarters) which
killed some 300 people, mostly Hindus, the Shiv Sena did not react,
either to avoid further escalation or because they were not capable
of escalation beyond the standard Indian riots. As a corollary to
this episode, Shiv Sena (in alliance with the BJP) came to power in
the next Maharasthra state elections in 1995, in which many Hindus
who had previously placed their vote elsewhere rallied behind the
Shiv Sena for their perceived role as “defenders of Hindus”.
Surprisingly
enough a significant number of Muslims have found a place in the Shiv
Sena. There are several Muslim sub-branch organisers in Mumbai and
at least one branch organiser in Pune. Shiv Sena never ceases to state
that it considers Muslims who are 100% loyal to Hindustan as equal
to Hindus, but “those who sit here dreaming about Pakistan or
the break up of India have no right to be here. We do not apologise
about our stand against them.” Shiv Sena certainly cannot be
classed as a Hindu fundamentalist organisation. A fundamentalist movement
is when there is absolute insistence on certain beliefs from a core
text, often to the point of violence, as the core of the movement.
At most in can be said that Shiv Sena are a radical group, but “fundamentalist”
is a misnomer.
The Shiv Sena has developed an electoral alliance with the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP), but has often been at odds with the BJP on the latters perceived
softness and lack of activity, particularly against terrorism . As
a result, small Shiv Sena units have been set up in many other parts
of India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and
Andhra Pradesh. These groups are independent from the Maharashtrian
Shiv Sena, but they profess the same creed, preferring Bal Thakeray’s
toughness to the “white shirt, afraid of getting tainted”
ways of which they accuse the BJP. These Shiv Sena groups have grown
considerably as a grass roots presence, but are not a significant
political force outside Maharashtra. It is interesting to note that
as time passes, many Hindus also see Shiv Sena as “giving all
the talk, but being short on action.”
Shiv Sena has the reputation of being heavily involved in mafia activity
in Mumbai. In India, all political parties are involved in such activities
to some extent, and it is hard to assess whether this applies any
more to Shiv Sena compared with other parties - although the image
that has been created around them by the media would have us believe
so. Even the Shiv Sena’s very commendable work in preventing
anti-Sikh violence in Mumbai after Indira Gandhi was assassinated
in 1984 was explained by the media in terms of the Mumbai Sikhs paying
the Shiv Sena “protection money”.
It should be noted that the relation between Shiv Sena’s Hindu
character and its mafia character tends to be of inverse proportion:
on a number of occasions, Bal Thackeray called off Hindu nationalist
agitations probably in exchange for money. An example was when Rajiv
Gandhi passed the Muslim Women’s bill (which deprived Muslim
women divorcees of state maintenance) under pressure of a Mullah lobby.
This was a typical Congress policy which appeased Islamic fundamentalist
but made average Muslims suffer, brought to light by the famous Shah
Bano incident.
Thackeray announced a series of rallies at the Congress
Centenary celebrations in 1985. Foreign media would have been present
in huge numbers and the Congress’s stupidity would have stood
fully exposed. However, at the last minute he was called for a meeting
with top politicians and then he cancelled the agitation without explanation!